Institute for Legal, Legislative and Educational Action
While Democrats wade through a marathon of intra-party debates, the national punditocracy is increasingly asking two urgent questions about the impending 2020 presidential contest: Can President Trump win Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin again? And can he win a second term without those three states?
Both questions reflect a stark reality in American presidential elections: The presidency is won or lost in the Electoral College -- a body dominated by a handful of large so-called battleground states that can determine the outcome.
Donald Trump triumphed in 2016 by winning narrowly these three Rust Belt states, which he was expected to lose. Pennsylvania was the biggest surprise as well as the biggest prize among them. In theory, Trump can win without these three -- either by replacing them with three other large states -- or by picking up several smaller states that equal their combined 46 electoral votes.
But where will those replacement states come from? Presently, according to the New York Times, Trump is far behind in Pennsylvania (16 percentage points), Wisconsin (10 points) and Michigan (11 points). According to the Morning Consult, Trump’s current approval rating in Pennsylvania has plummeted 19 points since Inauguration Day.
The president could go after states he narrowly lost in 2016 including New Hampshire, Nevada and Minnesota. But combined these would not nearly make up a loss in Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania.
In addition, Trump may be on the defensive in states he won in 2016 and must win again in 2020. Florida and even Texas are wobbly while North Carolina, a Trump stronghold in 2016, is trending blue in statewide elections. Even winning all three again won’t make up a loss in Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania.
Inarguably then, Trump almost certainly cannot win the Electoral College without winning these three crucial Rust Belt states, which have voted as a bloc seven elections in a row -- supporting Democrats in six consecutive elections before shifting to Trump and the GOP in 2016. As goes Wisconsin and Michigan also goes Pennsylvania; and in 2020, as goes Pennsylvania, so goes the election.
But can Trump win Pennsylvania again? What are the keys to the Keystone State?
Trump’s Strategy
Democrats’ Strategy
Democrats, who have won six of the last seven presidential contests in Pennsylvania, still think they can beat Trump. Here’s how they expect to do it:
The Democrats’ impressive opportunities notwithstanding, it is foolish to conclude Trump cannot win Pennsylvania – just as it was foolish to write him off in 2016. Trump’s base in rural and western Pennsylvania will support him at least as strongly as in 2016. Furthermore, no incumbent in modern times has lost re-election in an era of economic prosperity such as we are now experiencing.
Undoubtedly the greatest threat to Trump is a Democrat turnout tsunami in Philadelphia and its suburbs. The suburbs and city were disaster areas for Republican candidates in the last midterms – and early polling suggests the anti-Trump sentiment continues.
Right now, Pennsylvania is the Democrats to lose in 2020. But that was also true in 2016. How did that turn out?
G. Terry Madonna is director of the Center for Politics and Public Affairs at Franklin & Marshall College, director of the F&M Poll, and a professor of public affairs at the college.
Michael L. Young is a retired professor of politics and public policy at Penn State, an author, pollster and political analyst.